Documents Expose U.S. Role in Nkrumah Overthrow


Declassified National Security Council and Central Intelligence Agency documents provide compelling, new evidence of United States government involvement in the 1966 overthrow of Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah.

Kwame Nkrumah was the first President of the Republic of Ghana.

The coup d’etat, organized by dissident army officers, toppled the Nkrumah government on Feb. 24, 1966 and was promptly hailed by Western governments, including the U.S.

The documents appear in a collection of diplomatic and intelligence memos, telegrams, and reports on Africa in Foreign Relations of the United States, the government’s ongoing official history of American foreign policy.

Prepared by the State Department’s Office of the Historian, the latest volumes reflect the overt diplomacy and covert actions of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration from 1964-68. Though published in November 1999, what they reveal about U.S. complicity in the Ghana coup was only recently noted.

Allegations of American involvement in the putsche arose almost immediately because of the well-known hostility of the U.S. to Nkrumah’s socialist orientation and pan-African activism.

Nkrumah, himself, implicated the U.S. in his overthrow, and warned other African nations about what he saw as an emerging pattern.

“An all-out offensive is being waged against the progressive, independent states,” he wrote in Dark Days in Ghana, his 1969 account of the Ghana coup. “All that has been needed was a small force of disciplined men to seize the key points of the capital city and to arrest the existing political leadership.”

“It has been one of the tasks of the C.I.A. and other similar organisations,” he noted, “to discover these potential quislings and traitors in our midst, and to encourage them, by bribery and the promise of political power, to destroy the constitutional government of their countries.”

A Spook’s Story

While charges of U.S. involvement are not new, support for them was lacking until 1978, when anecdotal evidence was provided from an unlikely source—a former CIA case officer, John Stockwell, who reported first-hand testimony in his memoir, In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story.

“The inside story came to me,” Stockwell wrote, “from an egotistical friend, who had been chief of the [CIA] station in Accra [Ghana] at the time.” (Stockwell was stationed one country away in the Ivory Coast.)

Subsequent investigations by The New York Times and Covert Action Information Bulletin identified the station chief as Howard T. Banes, who operated undercover as a political officer in the U.S. Embassy.

This is how the ouster of Nkrumah was handled as Stockwell related. The Accra station was encouraged by headquarters to maintain contact with dissidents of the Ghanaian army for the purpose of gathering intelligence on their activities. It was given a generous budget, and maintained intimate contact with the plotters as a coup was hatched. So close was the station’s involvement that it was able to coordinate the recovery of some classified Soviet military equipment by the United States as the coup took place.

According to Stockwell, Banes’ sense of initiative knew no bounds. The station even proposed to headquarters through back channels that a squad be on hand at the moment of the coup to storm the [Communist] Chinese embassy, kill everyone inside, steal their secret records, and blow up the building to cover the facts.

Though the proposal was quashed, inside the CIA headquarters the Accra station was given full, if unofficial credit for the eventual coup, in which eight Soviet advisors were killed. None of this was adequately reflected in the agency’s records, Stockwell wrote.

Confirmation and Revelation

While the newly-released documents, written by a National Security Council staffer and unnamed CIA officers, confirm the essential outlines set forth by Nkrumah and Stockwell, they also provide additional, and chilling, details about what the U.S. government knew about the plot, when, and what it was prepared to do and did do to assist it.

On March 11, 1965, almost a year before the coup, William P. Mahoney, the U.S. ambassador to Ghana, participated in a candid discussion in Washington, D.C., with CIA Director John A. McCone and the deputy chief of the CIA’s Africa division, whose name has been withheld.

Significantly, the Africa division was part of the CIA’s directorate of plans, or dirty tricks component, through which the government pursued its covert policies.

According to the record of their meeting (Document 251), topic one was the “Coup d’etat Plot, Ghana.” While Mahoney was satisfied that popular opinion was running strongly against Nkrumah and the economy of the country was in a precarious state, he was not convinced that the coup d’etat, now being planned by Acting Police Commissioner Harlley and Generals Otu and Ankrah, would necessarily take place.

Nevertheless, he confidently—and accurately, as it turned out—predicted that one way or another Nkrumah would be out within a year. Revealing the depth of embassy knowledge of the plot, Mahoney referred to a recent report which mentioned that the top coup conspirators were scheduled to meet on 10 March at which time they would determine the timing of the coup.

However, he warned, because of a tendency to procrastinate, any specific date they set should be accepted with reservations. In a reversal of what some would assume were the traditional roles of an ambassador and the CIA director, McCone asked Mahoney who would most likely succeed Nkrumah in the event of a coup.

Mahoney again correctly forecast the future: Ambassador Mahoney stated that initially, at least, a military junta would take over.

Making it Happen

But Mahoney was not a prophet. Rather, he represented the commitment of the U.S. government, in coordination with other Western governments, to bring about Nkrumah’s downfall.

Firstly, Mahoney recommended denying Ghana’s forthcoming aid request in the interests of further weakening Nkrumah. He felt that there was little chance that either the Chinese Communists or the Soviets would in adequate measure come to Nkrumah’s financial rescue and the British would continue to adopt a hard nose attitude toward providing further assistance to Ghana.

At the same time, it appears that Mahoney encouraged Nkrumah in the mistaken belief that both the U.S. and the U.K. would come to his financial rescue and proposed maintaining current U.S. aid levels and programs because they will endure and be remembered long after Nkrumah goes.

Secondly, Mahoney seems to have assumed the responsibility of increasing the pressure on Nkrumah and exploiting the probable results. This can be seen in his 50-minute meeting with Nkrumah three weeks later.

According to Mahoney’s account of their April 2 discussion (Document 252), “at one point Nkrumah, who had been holding face in hands, looked up and I saw he was crying. With difficulty he said I could not understand the ordeal he had been through during last month. Recalling that there had been seven attempts on his life.”

Mahoney did not attempt to discourage Nkrumah’s fears, nor did he characterize them as unfounded in his report to his superiors.

“While Nkrumah apparently continues to have personal affection for me,” he noted, “he seems as convinced as ever that the US is out to get him. From what he said about assassination attempts in March, it appears he still suspects US involvement.”

Of course, the U.S. was out to get him. Moreover, Nkrumah was keenly aware of a recent African precedent that made the notion of a U.S.-organized or sanctioned assassination plot plausible—namely, the fate of the Congo and its first prime minister, his friend Patrice Lumumba.

Nkrumah believed that the destabilization of the Congolese government in 1960 and Lumumba’s assassination in 1961 were the work of the “Invisible Government of the U.S.,” as he wrote in Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, later in 1965.

When Lumumba’s murder was announced, Nkrumah told students at the inauguration of an ideological institute that bore his name that this brutal murder should teach them the diabolical depths of degradation to which these twin-monsters of imperialism and colonialism can descend.

In his conclusion, Mahoney observed: “Nkrumah gave me the impression of being a badly frightened man. His emotional resources seem be running out. As pressures increase, we may expect more hysterical outbursts, many directed against US.”

It was not necessary to add that he was helping to apply the pressure, nor that any hysterical outbursts by Nkrumah played into the West’s projection of him as an unstable dictator, thus justifying his removal.

Smoking Gun

On May 27, 1965, Robert W. Komer, a National Security Council staffer, briefed his boss, McGeorge Bundy, President Johnson’s special assistant for national security affairs, on the anti-Nkrumah campaign (Document 253).

Komer, who first joined the White House as a member of President Kennedy’s NSC staff, had worked as a CIA analyst for 15 years. In 1967, Johnson tapped him to head his hearts-and-minds pacification program in Vietnam.

Komer’s report establishes that the effort was not only interagency, sanctioned by the White House and supervised by the State Department and CIA, but also intergovernmental, being supported by America’s Western allies.

“FYI,” he advised, “we may have a pro-Western coup in Ghana soon. Certain key military and police figures have been planning one for some time, and Ghana’s deteriorating economic condition may provide the spark.”

“The plotters are keeping us briefed,” he noted, “and the State Department thinks we’re more on the inside than the British. While we’re not directly involved (I’m told), we and other Western countries (including France) have been helping to set up the situation by ignoring Nkrumah’s pleas for economic aid. All in all, it looks good.”

Komer’s reference to not being told if the U.S. was directly involved in the coup plot is revealing and quite likely a wry nod to his CIA past.

Among the most deeply ingrained aspects of intelligence tradecraft and culture is plausible deniability, the habit of mind and practice designed to insulate the U.S., and particularly the president, from responsibility for particularly sensitive covert operations.

Komer would have known that orders such as the overthrow of Nkrumah would have been communicated in a deliberately vague, opaque, allusive, and indirect fashion, as Thomas Powers noted in The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA.

It would be unreasonable to argue that the U.S. was not directly involved when it created or exacerbated the conditions that favored a coup, and did so for the express purpose of bringing one about.

Truth and Consequences

As it turned out, the coup did not occur for another nine months. After it did, Komer, now acting special assistant for national security affairs, wrote a congratulatory assessment to the President on March 12, 1966 (Document 260). His assessment of Nkrumah and his successors was telling.

“The coup in Ghana,” he crowed, “is another example of a fortuitous windfall. Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African. In reaction to his strongly pro-Communist leanings, the new military regime is almost pathetically pro-Western.”

In this, Komer and Nkrumah were in agreement. “Where the more subtle methods of economic pressure and political subversion have failed to achieve the desired result,” Nkrumah wrote from exile in Guinea three years later, “there has been resort to violence in order to promote a change of regime and prepare the way for the establishment of a puppet government.”

Copyright ©2001, Paul Lee.

Paul Lee is a historian, filmmaker, and freelance writer. He is Director of Best Efforts, Inc. (BEI), a professional research and consulting service that specializes in the recovery, preservation, and dissemination of global black history and culture. BEI offers “OurStory,” a black history lecture series. You can reach him at besteffortsinc@yahoo.com.

By Paul Lee
Special to SeeingBlack.com

Remarque: I do not own the rights of this document nor did i compose or aided in its writing. I am simply sharing it. You can visit the article’s website origin by clicking here.

Thanks for reading. Long Live the memories of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah

Try Ignorance


Honourable Sir/Madam,

I occasionally resort to the criticism of the Ghanaian way of life, comparing her peoples lack of simple understanding and inability to back up great ideas with the very commonest of reasons. Verily i can’t begin to think that a people trying to create a life for themselves is unable to come to the conclusion that free education is primordial and understanding its essence is absolutely infinite.

As said by Sydney J. Harris “the whole purpose of education is to turn mirrors into windows.” To teach a people to create a life for themselves and the comprehension survival in this modern life during best times or when harsh realities makes a call.

If a people are educated, they wouldn’t need one describing to them how their lives would be destroyed but through their own proper eyes would they perceive the deceit in every evil that comes their way. If it wasn’t for education, i solemnly regret to inform you probably could perceive me from far away undoubtedly listening to nature’s call on the streets of the capital city of Mother Ghana. Yea, it happens only in Africa and thats the good news.

One argument still stands, “The occurrence of the well educated to pry on the weak minded”. This is an inevitable situation i substantially believe couldn’t be eradicated unless at least seventy percent of any given population stands educated. By “educated” here i mean can read and write, basic(literacy).

The aim of education should be to teach us rather how to think, than what to think – rather to improve our minds, so as to enable us to think for ourselves, than to load the memory with thoughts of other men.  ~Bill Beattie.

In any case kind Sir/Madam, our constitution itself encourages the “progressive introduction of education”. education here meaning, all forms i.e basic, secondary and even beyond.

The Ghana Constitution states in Chapter Five: THE FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOM

All persons shall have the right to equal educational opportunities and facilities and with a view to
achieving the full realization of that right- (a) basic education shall be free, compulsory and available to all;
(b) secondary education in its different forms, including technical and vocational education, shall be made generally available and accessible to all by every appropriate means, and in particular, by the progressive introduction of free education;
(c) high education shall be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, by every appropriate means, and in particular, by the progressive introduction of free education;
(d) functional literacy shall be encouraged or intensified as far as possible.

I’ve seen a people stuck with bread and oil for breakfast provide free education to their citizens(not only basic).

I ask kind Sir/Madam that you make available the richness of our free nation to all in all forms as described by the constitution.

As the constitution stands one for all, so do i wish we all stand for it for without it into nothingness shall we go.

Thank you.

MWKS

HONOURABLE KOFI ATTOH talks about the Ghanaian educational system


An excerpt from “THE POLITICAL SEARCHLIGHT” a program on a
UK based Ghanaian radio talk show.

HOST: Do you think Ghana’s
free education is the best?

Classeroom Full of School kids

Classeroom full of School kids

Honorable Kofi Attoh:
No one can say Ghana’s education is the best. But the little we can do is to
improve upon the records and reports as it were. 

The main importance is
to “zero-in” on the rural communities. Anytime you visit a community school,
you find out they are no better on your next visit a year later. And yet we
don’t know where the problems are comes from, whether from the people,
supervision, the teaching, from parents. In fact most parents are unable to buy
exercise books prompting their children or most pupils to use a single exercise
book for six subjects.

A ghanaian school child

A ghanaian school child

Honorable Attoh reintegrated the need not to blame the
policies but rather work harder on the problems where and whenever they occur. He
stated, “Though our stagnant education
finds its roots deep within our history as far as 1950, knowing the improving
upon them in the current future is what we need to make our definitive goal
.

He furthermore gave
an example of cases whereby poor results were on heights but a lot of work has
been done to produce better results.  “And not only as a government but as a
people in general, we need to work hard on education,
stating the need not
to repeat ourselves if it was bad before and say it wouldn’t improve.

When asked what measures the government has in place for
academically poor but practically skilled Ghanaians, he commented on measures
like: Technical and Vocational Schools for JSS graduates. He added, the
government is placing enough computers into this after JSS institutions as well
as creating youth employment projects. He said such vocational
schools/institutions provide their student/trainees an opportunity to enter
into bigger universities after the graduate.
In his last words he finally quoted “All we need is faith”.

An Article on Ghana-Korean STX HOUSING PROJECT as said by Honorable Kofi Attoh.


RADIO HOST: What is the major problem with STX that has the country in disagreement prompting others including the opposition not to back it?

Kofi Attoh

The HONORABLE KOFI ATTOH talked about the need not to believe the many misconceptions. He said the country face a $1 million deficit and thus any means by which the Ghanaian government sees as opportunities to curb this deficit was welcomed.
He defined STX as simply: a partnership between Ghanaians and Koreans to build 300000 houses and homes which will later be sold to the Ghanaian general public.
He added, the arrangement in the STX deal included:
The Korean government contributing a sum lump of $10billion which will be used in financing the project. The sale of these houses will be used to repay the said lump sum.
 The government was included because the Korean government was cautious of their investment going down the drain in any political instability in the future. Thus the Ghanaian government inclusion, as a surety incase a new government comes and decides to seize all the buildings.
He affirmed:
 Firstly, STX is not a Ghanaian government loan or a loan to be borrowed by the Ghanaian government.
 Secondly, STX is not a Ghanaian government financed project for the Korean government.
He reaffirmed that the STX was a simple arrangement that goes “I build houses in your country, I sell.”
He said, due to the huge number of houses to be built, the Ghana government decided to buy a certain number of the houses for government workers especially the Ghana Police Servicemen/women. The rest will be available for sale to all private entities. The government involvement acts as an assurance for STX Koreans.
He further noted, the existence of STX in discussion well before the NDC government came into power thus, no need to throw into the garbage and say “it was an NPP affaire”. In his own words he said, “There is no need to be political about anything”.

In his last words he said: They moved on ahead with it because it is for the benefit of the simple Ghanaian.